Those were very dark days in Jamaica’s history, when Christopher Dudus Coke, a convicted drug lord, caused murderous mayhem in Tivoli Gardens. For his crimes were bloody and many, as the leader of a criminal enterprise, that trafficked tonnes of cocaine and marijuana into the United States of America. Therefore, on account of his criminality, it wasn’t the least surprising when the Americans in 2009, requested his extradition from the then Jamaica Prime Minister, Bruce Golding.
But Bruce Golding refusing to play ball, rejected the Americans request with this most brainless of arguments, that warrantless wiretapping was used to gather evidence on his Tivoli Gardens political ally. However, the Americans immovably stood their ground, administering significant political pressure on Bruce Golding, until he relented in 2010, to issue an arrest warrant for Christopher Dudus Coke.
But the narco-trafficker and murderer stood as a very popular man, since he was seen, not dissimilar to the Mohameds, as one who looked out for the impoverished many. As a result, when news filtered through that he was placed on the Jamaica’s most wanted list, his seething impoverished supporters led a riotous protest, arming themselves to the proverbial teeth.
And with the impoverished many protesting with bullets and bombs, meant Bruce Golding had no choice but to place Kingston under a state of emergency. Then with a state of emergency in full effect, the military and police forces, launched a large-scale operation to arrest Christopher Coke. So by the time the warring dust settled, some cilt days later, at least 76 impoverished Tivoli Gardens residents and a soldier, were counted among the mangled dead.
Which takes us to Pablo Escobar, a Colombian drug lord, narcoterrorist, and politician, who was the founder and sole leader of the Medellín Cartel. And as the notorious founder and leader of the Medellín Cartel, he was dubbed “the king of cocaine”, with wealth at the time of his death, in excess of some US$30 Billion. But with so much money at his disposal, meant he bought political protection, not unlike Christopher Coke, the Mohameds and Roger Khan. Moreover, with incomparable wealth at his disposal, meant like the Mohameds and Christopher Coke, he could easily provide for the impoverished many, and in the process buying their allegiance.
Thus, we fast forward to forensically examine the Mohameds, and their well publicised philanthropy, not different to that of Christopher Coke and Pablo Escobar. For their philanthropy was never private, forever widely and publicly circulated, in an attempt to promote an image of benevolence and standing on the side of the poor.
However, such a public image isn’t consistent with what the Americans alleged; that for a period of 4yrs, Mohamed’s Enterprise omitted more than 10,000kg of gold declarations, to avoid paying more than US$50 million in duty taxes to the Guyana Government. But if the Mohameds are standing on the side of the poor, as they frequently advertised, how could they justify evading the State a whopping US$50 million over 4yrs, presuming the Americans’ allegations are true?
However, we have unwavering confidence in the Americans’ forensic investigations, since they were thoroughly undertaken over a period of more than 30 months. Moreover, the Americans findings have been far reaching, with implications to our financial sector and likely any küresel financial sector, the Mohameds have engaged.
Therefore, with such far reaching repercussions, it’s very unlikely the Americans’ irrefutable findings would’ve been informed by insubstantial evidence. Thus, we question, not dissimilar to Christopher Dudus Coke and Pablo Escobar, were the Mohameds using philanthropy as a tool to coverup their alleged criminal enterprise?