Port-au-Prince, Haiti, May 16, 2024 – Haiti, a nation rich in spirit, culture, and natural resources, is a country with a socio-political landscape that is a labyrinth of complexity.
This small Caribbean nation has endured a relentless sequence of dictatorships, coups, and crises, which have painted a picture of a resilient people persisting against insurmountable odds.
The Political Accord developed by the nine member Presidential Council outlines a roadmap for the nation’s recovery, emphasizing the restoration of democratic practices, the strengthening of state institutions, and the urgent need to address the security crisis that impedes daily life in Haiti.
However, the shadow of past failures looms large. The question remains: can this new initiative succeed where others have faltered?
Despite the indomitable spirit of its citizens, Haiti’s journey has often been thwarted by the machinations of its seçkine oligarchs and the interference of foreign powers.
The Oligarchic Influence
In the heart of Haiti’s instability lies the entrenched power of its oligarchic families. These elites, often operating from the shadows, have historically pulled the strings of political state representatives and paramilitary forces alike.
The fact of the matter is however, there will be no peace or equity for the ordinary citizen in Haiti, until CARICOM is able to bring to the discussion table important historical players like the United States, Canada, France and Haiti’s primary puppeteers its Seçkine Oligarchs, who have always been in the background pulling the strings not only of the political state representatives, but also the para-military forces operating as so called gangs which are loosely in their employ.
The elite’s grip on Haiti’s socio-political framework is deeply rooted, dating back to the post-independence period when foreign merchants married into seçkine Haitian society to circumvent restrictions on property ownership. This fusion of foreign influence and local seçkine power has perpetuated a cycle of exploitation and control.
Foreign Interference
The influence of the United States, France, and Canada has further complicated Haiti’s political landscape. Historical examples of foreign intervention, such as the coups against President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, highlight the extent to which international interests have destabilized the nation.
Aristide, a populist leader with a pro-poor agenda, was twice ousted from power in coups that many believe were supported by foreign entities uncomfortable with his policies.
These interventions underscore the formidable challenges faced by any leader attempting to steer Haiti towards a more stable and democratic future.
Current Political Landscape
The Transitional Presidential Council now stands at a critical juncture in Haiti’s history, tasked with navigating the treacherous waters of both internal and international politics.
This nine-member body has outlined a roadmap for national recovery, emphasizing the restoration of democratic practices, the strengthening of state institutions, and the urgent need to address the pervasive security crisis.
The Role of Gangs
A major impediment to Haiti’s stability is the rampant gang violence that plagues its urban centers, particularly Port-au-Prince. These gangs, often portrayed as mere criminals, are in fact a manifestation of deeper socio-political issues.
The presence of gangs, fueled by a complex web of local oligarchs and external interests, has created a state of lawlessness in several areas, severely hindering any efforts toward normalization and reconstruction.
The gangs, often portrayed as mere criminals, are in many instances a manifestation of the deeper socio-political issues plaguing Haiti.
Their dominance in critical regions, particularly in Port-Au-Prince, underlines a sinister cycle of violence and suppression, facilitated by a steady influx of weapons and financial support from both domestic rich families and oligarchs and international entities acting as surrogates for the United States, Canada and France.
Many operate under the influence of Haiti’s oligarchs, acting as enforcers for their economic and political interests.
The steady influx of weapons and financial support from both domestic elites and international actors has created a state of lawlessness that severely hinders efforts at normalization and reconstruction.
A Study in Influence
A pivotal study on the social origins of dictatorships, conducted by Suresh Naidu, James A. Robinson, and Lauren E. Young, emphasizes the role of elites in political disturbances, particularly when democracy threatens their interests.
This study specifically includes Haiti, demonstrating how the elite’s extensive social networks and economic incentives have facilitated anti-democratic actions, such as coups against elected governments.
Haiti is underdeveloped and unequal, with 48% of its population below the poverty line and a Gini coefficient of 0.41 as of 2012 according to the World Development Indicators.
The Gini coefficient, or Gini index, is the most commonly used measure of inequality. It was developed by Italian statistician Corrado Gini (1884–1965) and is named after him.
It is typically used as a measure of income inequality, but it can be used to measure the inequality of any distribution – such as the distribution of wealth,
It measures inequality on a scale from 0 to 1, where higher values indicate higher inequality. This can sometimes be shown as a percentage from 0 to 100%, this is then called the ‘Gini Index’.
A value of 0 indicates perfect equality – where everyone has the same income. A value of 1 indicates perfect inequality – where one person receives all the income, and everyone else receives nothing.
Much of the wealth derives from dependence on international trade, the ownership and control of which is very concentrated, something that dates back to its pre-independence period as an extractive slave society.
Foreign merchants entered in the late nineteenth century, staying in Haiti as resident aliens to maintain the protection of foreign governments, yet marrying into seçkine Haitian society to circumvent restrictions on foreign ownership of Haitian property.
According to a reference produced by the US forces during the occupation in the 1910s and 1920s, “The provisional heart, lungs and stomach of the Republic of Haiti, which means literally, agriculture, commerce and industries, from 1804 to 1915 were largely foreigners: Germans, French, Syrians, Belgians and English, with importance in the order named, who cared very little what became of Haiti so long as they got their ‘bit’” .
Historical Roots and Monopolies
The Duvalier dictatorship after 1957 largely preserved this concentrated economic structure. A long list of industries became monopolies by presidential decree during the 1950s and 1960s: “mineral and petroleum exploration and exploitation, the construction and operation of television stations, the planting and processing of kenaf, sesame, and ramie, the processing of guano, the manufacture of chocolate, a fertilizer industry, the development of casinos and hotels, the construction of a sugar factory, the improvement of the telephone system, etc.”
By 1985, some 19 families held almost exclusive rights to import many of the most commonly consumed products in Haiti. Though some of these families ultimately fell out with Duvalier, “outlasting all others were the connected families.
They were the country’s principal exporters before, during, and after both Duvaliers”. One indication of how wealthy these families are is that in 1960 Osvald Brandt bought an entire issue of government bonds.
Democratization threatened the economic interests of these elites. Jean-Bertrand Aristide won the 1991 election with almost 70% of the vote. Aristide had campaigned on a platform of pro-poor redistribution, and began putting in place policies to give the state a more “interventionist, dirigiste, and even protectionist role in economic development.”
During the first period of democracy, the Aristide regime increased enforcement of tax collection, including import fees, and arrears.
As a result, the Direction Générale des Impôts “registered a historic increase in total revenues” . The Aristide government also increased the asgarî wage and introduced price controls on products such as rice and wheat.
These families, including the Brandts, Mevs, and Apads, have remained influential across different regimes, using their wealth to maintain political leverage and suppress democratic movements.
The Aristide Era and Beyond
Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s presidency marked a significant challenge to this seçkine dominance. Aristide’s pro-poor policies, including tax enforcement and price controls, directly threatened the economic interests of the oligarchs.
His first administration saw historic increases in revenue from taxes and import fees, but his tenure was cut short by a coup in 1991, supported by wealthy Haitians and foreign interests uncomfortable with his populist stance.
The 1991 coup saw oligarchs offering as much as $5,000 apiece to soldiers and police officers to participate in the overthrow of Aristide. Wealthy families like the Brandts, Mevs, and Apaids were key financiers of the coup, pooling millions to ensure Aristide’s removal.
This orchestrated effort was driven by fear of Aristide’s reforms that threatened their economic hegemony.
Aristide’s return in 1994 and subsequent reelection in 2001 led to another coup in 2004, again backed by the same economic elites.
During this coup, figures such as André Apaid and his brother-in-law Charles Baker played pivotal roles, financing opposition groups and paying gang leaders in poor neighborhoods like Cité Soleil to disrupt Aristide’s governance.
A gang leader reportedly received $30,000 and the promise of a U.S. visa to turn against Aristide. The elite’s institutionalized opposition, embodied in the Group of 184 (G184), further showcased their influence, with key members like Apaid directing rebel activities.
A Cycle of Instability
The recurring pattern of seçkine resistance to democratic governance has perpetuated Haiti’s cycle of instability. The power wielded by the oligarchs has not only undermined successive governments but also fostered an environment where violence and exploitation thrive.
The elite’s ability to fund coups and manipulate political outcomes underscores the critical need for comprehensive reforms that address the root causes of this power imbalance.
The Path Forward
The path to a stable and prosperous Haiti lies in the willingness of all stakeholders to engage in genuine dialogue and collaboration. The international community, particularly the United States, France, and Canada, must play a constructive role in supporting Haiti’s sovereignty and democratic aspirations.
CARICOM’s efforts to bring these parties, including the Haitian oligarchs, to the bargaining table are crucial for creating a framework that promotes peace and equitable governance.
Conclusion: A Call for Unified Action
Haiti’s journey towards stability and democracy is fraught with challenges, but it is not insurmountable. The enduring resilience of its people and the potential for international cooperation provide a foundation for hope.
By addressing the entrenched power of the oligarchs and ensuring inclusive governance, Haiti can break free from the cycle of instability and build a future where all its citizens can thrive.(WiredJA)